Toespraak minister-president Jetten bij Next Gen: Security Conference The Hague
Minister-president Jetten hield in Den Haag een toespraak bij Next Gen: Security Conference The Hague.
De toespraak werd gehouden in het Engels.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I was 2 years old when the Berlin Wall fell.
Like most people of my generation, I grew up with the idea that global democracy would eventually win out, and world peace was within our grasp.
Fukuyama’s vision of the future – ‘the end of history’ – was deeply ingrained in the Netherlands of that time.
In me as well.
Until September 11th, 2001.
I remember how I spent that endless day in front of the TV, watching over and over again, in disbelief, as those 2 planes flew into the Twin Towers.
And I remember the months that followed, as Fukuyama’s promise quickly unravelled.
Instead of world peace, we got conflict, terrorism, war.
At first, it seemed far away, at least through my young eyes.
But this new world quickly seemed much closer, when I found myself with American classmates in school, whose parents were stationed at the air base in Volkel.
Later it seemed closer still, as family and friends in the armed forces were sent to Afghanistan.
And as I saw the effects of this long conflict on the self-image – and the position in society – of young Muslims.
That was my experience of watching ‘the end of history’ crumble in the face of real history.
In the years since, the world has only become less safe and more unpredictable.
And we in the Netherlands and Europe need to respond.
For many people, I think it was only in 2022, when Russia began its all-out war against Ukraine, that the penny really dropped.
But the truth is: reality had already hit us long before that.
It hit us in 2014, when flight MH17 was downed by a Russian missile, and Putin invaded Crimea.
That’s when the war in Ukraine really started.
It hit us again in 2016, when the first Trump administration started pushing Europe much harder towards fair burden-sharing in NATO.
The change in tone from the US towards Europe did not happen overnight.
And for several years now, we’ve been hit by the reality of strongmen around the world mocking democracy and the rule of law, and playing games with peace and prosperity in our region.
If the last few years have taught us anything, it’s that our security relies not only on military strength, but also on economic dependencies, cybersecurity and technology.
So we must reflect on where we want to be in 20 years.
And since geopolitical developments are largely still determined by a small number of older men, it’s vital that the voices of young people are heard loud and clear.
As is the case today and tomorrow, here in The Hague.
The future does not belong to the powers that be, but to the generations to come.
So I truly applaud this initiative.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Canadian prime minister Mark Carney recently spoke his mind in Davos.
He held up a mirror to us all.
He basically said that we, the middle powers in the West, have to get our act together, whether we like it or not.
Or as he put it: ‘Nostalgia is not a strategy.’
I think we can all agree on that.
Foreign policy must be grounded in realism.
In a pragmatic assessment of what’s happening in the here and now, and where our own interests lie.
With that in mind, I’d like to discuss 3 principles at the heart of Dutch foreign and defence policy in the coming years.
1: for reasons of both principle and practicality, we must remain fully committed to the rule of law and the international legal order.
2: we must renew the transatlantic security architecture in order to preserve its strength and relevance.
And 3: the Netherlands and Europe must forge new partnerships and renew existing ones.
I mention the rule of law and the international legal order first for a reason.
They are not just abstract concepts, or hobby horses of a few privileged countries.
On the contrary, they are the foundation on which our society rests.
Our freedom, our security, our democracy and our prosperity.
Article 90 of the Dutch Constitution literally requires the government to ‘promote the development of the international legal order.’
And here in The Hague, the international city of peace and justice – we feel this responsibility deeply.
But our commitment to the international legal order is also a matter of enlightened self-interest.
The post-war history of the EU and NATO shows that international cooperation and the rule of law produce strong economies and a high quality of life.
Because people and businesses that feel free, secure and protected are more inclined to invest in their future and, together, build strong societies.
And yes, upholding the international legal order also means calling other countries to account.
Adversaries and allies alike.
Of course, ideally, this should be done within institutions like the United Nations, NATO, the European Union and the International Court of Justice.
Institutions that, together, form the post-war rules-based world order.
Today, we live in an age in which a small number of states use violence – or the threat of violence – to get their way.
And also an age in which many countries no longer accept being judged by Western countries.
That doesn’t mean we need to have fewer principles and ideals.
But it does mean we need to be realistic about what we can achieve.
And we must make sure that the end result is in everyone’s interest, and not just our own.
Because, if we worry that countries in the Global South are turning towards China and Russia, then we also need to look at our own role in that process.
For too long, other perspectives have not been recognised.
Or at least, they haven’t been given sufficient weight.
Leaving many countries empty-handed.
It’s time for us to acknowledge this, and take action.
So that the rule of law works for everyone, and we strengthen not only ourselves, but each other.
And for that, I believe we need a pragmatic approach.
In the international arena – as in life – being right and getting your way are often 2 different things.
Finnish President Alexander Stubb coined the term ‘values-based realism’ for this.
And I fully endorse the idea behind it.
You need to know where you stand morally, and at the same time accept that you can’t always choose who you do business with, and how.
Take Iran, for example.
The Dutch government has been very clear that the attack on Iran was a violation of international law.
At the same time, the Iranian regime poses a nuclear hazard to the world, is a major threat to peace and stability in the region, and has been extremely brutal and oppressive to its own people.
We must recognise that as well.
Is that an awkward position?
Perhaps it is.
But it’s also the reality we face.
So we must be realistic.
And that brings me to the next point.
We must renew the transatlantic security architecture to preserve its strength and relevance.
For far too long, Europe has clung to the naïve notion that we can shelter under the US security umbrella forever, at little cost.
We also can’t ignore the impact of US tariff policy on economic cooperation.
And there’s no denying that the tone of our old friends across the Atlantic towards Europe has become harsher and more critical.
Now, we probably all have our own views on that.
But I don’t believe that getting upset or feeling offended will get us anywhere.
Victimhood is not helpful.
And it’s not necessary.
We should bear in mind that the roots of the transatlantic relationship go far deeper than one presidential term.
So we should think and act with a view to the decades ahead.
And that starts with taking a good look at ourselves.
The bottom line is this: the Netherlands and Europe must take more responsibility for their own security.
We must step up-to-the-plate.
We need to boost European defence cooperation to ensure we can defend our own continent.
We must do so not to distance ourselves from the US, but to make the alliance more equal.
And, as a result, stronger.
My government’s coalition agreement clearly states that NATO remains the cornerstone of Dutch security policy.
Because the US is and will remain the global power with which we share the most values and interests.
And they are mutual interests: economic, military and geopolitical.
It’s not a one way street.
We depend on each other.
So, in the long run, we all stand to benefit from future-proofing the transatlantic relationship.
As I’ve said in the past, Europe must learn to speak the language of power.
When we tell each other that keeping over a billion people safe is a collective effort and a collective responsibility, that should mean something.
It should mean taking the next steps together.
Consciously and systematically working towards a stronger European dimension within NATO.
Not because our biggest ally demands it of us.
But because we want to pull our own weight and stand on our own two feet.
And that’s not rocket science.
In fact, we’re already on this path.
Just look at the First German-Netherlands Corps, which has its own headquarters in Münster.
Or look at the Joint Expeditionary Force, a military coalition in which the United Kingdom, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, the Baltic states and the Netherlands hold joint military exercises over land and sea, and in the air.
The JEF is designed to defend the northern flank of NATO, including Greenland.
Not too long ago, such a coalition of NATO members outside NATO command structures would have been unthinkable.
But new realities call for new approaches
Take, for example, public-private cooperation in Europe’s defence industry and defence capabilities, which has really taken flight in recent years.
Take the efforts to boost Europe’s role in nuclear deterrence within NATO – a subject on which the Netherlands is engaging in a strategic dialogue with France.
Take the determination with which the Coalition of the Willing is working on security guarantees for Ukraine, outside the existing structures.
And of course: there’s the warp-speed increase in national defence spending, including in our own country.
The Netherlands is laying down the 3.5 per cent defence spending target in law.
All these plans, initiatives and efforts will ultimately give Europe a stronger and more equal position in NATO.
And this will make us safer, and more resilient against existing and future threats.
That’s good for us, for Europe, for the United States.
And therefore for NATO as a whole.
Now, let’s be realistic.
Will all this go smoothly and without a hitch?
Of course not.
The stakes are way too high for that.
Will it be achieved overnight?
No, that’s impossible.
But are things changing as we speak?
Yes, they certainly are.
And not just when it comes to defence.
Which brings me to my third and final point.
When the world’s major powers put their own interests above all else, the Netherlands and Europe should respond by forging new partnerships and renewing existing ones.
In this new geopolitical era, I’m convinced that building new coalitions is the key.
We must not close doors, but open them.
As I’ve said, we need to understand and acknowledge the perspective of countries in the Global South.
Or, as the Indian Minister of External Affairs put it: ‘Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems.’
There’s truth in that observation.
So, if we want to strengthen our economies by reducing our dependency on major players and boosting cooperation with other countries, we need to consider not only what we stand to gain, but also what we have to offer.
And that’s a lot.
The strength of our Union has always been that it is both a community of values and an economic powerhouse.
The rule of law meets the largest single market in human history – that’s what makes us so attractive to all those countries seeking membership, and to partners around the world.
The EU has knowledge and innovation to offer, a wide range of high-tech and other companies, a long tradition of legal certainty and social stability, financial muscle and purchasing power, a well-educated workforce, and much more besides.
So we have a lot to bring to the table.
As it is, new partnerships can take many forms and cover many topics.
And positions can change.
An obvious example is the prospect of Ukraine’s EU membership in the future.
Yes, the Copenhagen criteria must be applied.
There can be no doubt about that.
But Ukraine’s future lies in the EU.
It is now on an irreversible path to that future.
And everyone in Europe can be thankful for that.
As the war in Ukraine goes on and the Russian threat towards the West grows, we should recognise the advantages of having a capable and battle-hardened partner on the eastern flank of the Union.
Another obvious example is the recent EU trade deals with India, Australia and the Mercosur countries.
Besides their many benefits, these agreements send at least 3 implicit messages to other countries.
Firstly, that the world doesn’t need higher tariffs.
It needs lower ones.
Or even better: none at all.
Secondly, that international cooperation is not a zero-sum game.
It benefits all partners.
And thirdly, that countries and regions working together through trade agreements are more inclined to maintain peaceful relations.
A final example concerns the fact that geopolitical power increasingly means technological power.
Wars are no longer won solely on the battlefield, with tanks and guns.
In today’s world, technology equals security.
So we cannot leave the global race for leadership in AI, semiconductors and quantum computing solely to China and a few US tech giants.
Thanks to ASML and our wider semiconductor ecosystem, the Netherlands holds a unique position in this regard.
And in our quest to find new partners, we recently reached a key milestone, when we announced a strategic partnership between the Netherlands and India.
India is set to invest big sums to gain control of 10 per cent of the global semiconductor value chain.
And ASML and the Netherlands are set to play a major role in this.
It’s new coalitions like these that will prepare us for the future.
And so, ladies and gentlemen, as the world keeps turning, the ‘next gen’ steps up-to-the-plate.
The Netherlands has a big role to play in all the changes that are taking place.
And we want to take up that role.
As one of the 6 founding members of the EU, and as host country to so many international institutions, we feel we have a responsibility to be at the helm.
And I firmly believe that we can protect our security, freedom and prosperity when we act on the basis of values-driven realism, uphold the rule of law and build coalitions worldwide.
Not as a choice, but as a necessity, and a moral duty to future generations.
And I’m counting on you, the next-genners, to roll up your sleeves too.
Because, as we’ve learned the hard way, history did not end.
And now it is asking a new generation to take the lead.
Thank you.